In 1989, Congressman John Conyers had the foresight and courage to formally introduce H.R. 40, igniting a national conversation about reparations for the descendants of American slaves. He understood that until America acknowledged the damage it had done — through its laws, its institutions, and its systems — true justice would remain out of reach. For decades, Conyers reintroduced the bill, session after session, laying the groundwork for a national reckoning. But since then, Black politics and Black leadership have dropped the ball. What should have been built into a movement for repair and redress has been reduced to a political sideshow — weakened by cowardice, coopted by careerism, and abandoned by many of the very leaders who were supposed to carry the torch forward.
Let’s be clear from the start: a bill to study reparations is not a win. It’s not justice, it’s not repair, and it’s certainly not the payout or restitution that Black Americans are owed. But in the slow-moving machinery of American politics, a study bill is often the first formal step to policy. It’s a launchpad, not a landing.
So when Black elected officials can’t even support that step? That’s not just negligence — it’s betrayal.
Take Maryland Governor Wes Moore. The first Black governor of his state, the pride of a so-called progressive movement. And yet, when given the opportunity to sign a bill to study reparations — not pay them, just study them — he vetoed it. Claimed it was duplicative. Said it wasn’t necessary. Even worse, the bill also called for a formal apology from the state of Maryland for its role in slavery — and he vetoed that too. The first Black governor of a state that once held slaves couldn’t even say the government owed Black people an apology. Translation? He didn’t want to carry the political weight.
And this isn’t new. When President Barack Obama had a Democratic House and Senate, he didn’t move H.R. 40 an inch. He had the power, the votes, and the historical moment. Instead, we got race-neutral speeches and respectability politics while LGBTQ rights advanced at record speed. Rainbow lights lit up the White House, but the lights stayed off on the issue of reparations.
Let’s call it what it is: selective courage.
Democrats are comfortable promoting diversity. But when it comes to justice — especially Black justice in the form of wealth transfer, land return, or debt repayment — they run for cover. Why? Because reparations make their white donor base nervous. Because America can handle diversity, but not accountability.
This same cowardice is mirrored in our Black institutions. Go look at the website of the African American Mayors Association. Not one mention of reparations. Not one plank in their mission. These are leaders of Black-majority cities across America, cities built on the backs of displaced, disenfranchised, overpoliced Black bodies. And they still won’t touch the issue.
What about the Congressional Black Caucus? The supposed vanguard of Black policy? There’s no dedicated policy workshop, no legislative war room, no serious investment in advancing reparations at the national level. Just empty gestures and safe language.
Meanwhile, grifters and influencers online have figured out how to monetize anti-reparations rhetoric. Black voices, parroting conservative talking points, mocking the idea of reparations to appease white audiences and collect checks. They sell out their own lineage for likes, followers, and a paycheck — while pretending to speak for “real Black people.”
Let’s stop pretending.
The failure to move reparations forward is not because America doesn’t understand what happened to Black people. The laws are there. The redlining maps exist. The wealth gap data is undeniable. The harm is proven.
What’s missing is political will — especially from the very Black leaders we put in place to fight for us.
And now, H.R. 40 has become nothing more than a political talking point. Democrats invoke it to claim they’re “trying,” knowing full well they don’t control the House or the Senate and that it will never even get to the floor. That’s not strategy — that’s gaslighting. It’s a total disrespect to the legacy of John Conyers, who originally introduced H.R. 40 in 1989 and reintroduced it every session until his retirement in 2017, not as a gimmick, but as a moral obligation. His vision has been hijacked and reduced to performative politics.
We saw this same dance play out with Vice President Kamala Harris. In an early interview, she stated clearly that she would not support reparations. It wasn’t until she faced backlash during her presidential campaign that she began to backpedal, offering vague support under political pressure. But the damage was done. What’s worse is that even after this obvious flip-flop, many Black supporters jumped to defend her, dismissing concerned Black voters who demanded clarity and courage on reparations. Instead of pressing her to stand firm, they protected her silence — as if symbolism was more important than substance.
All of this while Black Americans continue to support the Democratic Party by over 90%. We deliver elections. We show up. We stay loyal. And yet, we can’t get the party to show courage on reparations — not even for a study. That’s not just political cowardice; it’s a slap in the face.
And let’s be clear: this is not about making white people pay. It’s about making the government pay — here’s why. From the beginning, it was the government — not just individuals — that codified Black oppression into law. Let’s be specific:
- Slavery was legal under the U.S. Constitution until 1865. It was not just permitted — it was protected.
- The Fugitive Slave Act (1793 and 1850) criminalized freedom, requiring free states to return escaped enslaved people.
- Black Codes were passed immediately after the Civil War to reestablish control over newly freed Black Americans.
- Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), a Supreme Court ruling, legalized racial segregation under “separate but equal.”
- Redlining, formally backed by the federal government through the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC)and Federal Housing Administration (FHA), denied Black families access to homeownership and generational wealth.
- Urban renewal policies in the 1950s–70s demolished thriving Black neighborhoods for highways and commercial development.
- Mass incarceration laws, including the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986 and 1994 Crime Bill, disproportionately targeted Black communities.
- Discriminatory GI Bill implementation after WWII denied Black veterans access to benefits widely given to white veterans.
This isn’t about guilt — it’s about legal, legislative, and judicial decisions that produced generational harm. The same government that enacted laws, enforced policies, and built systems designed to systematically oppress the descendants of American slaves. Reparations isn’t about guilt. It’s about accountability. It’s about justice.
So no, a study bill is not a victory. But it’s a gatekeeper in a rigged political process. If Black elected officials won’t even open that gate, they’re not leading us — they’re managing our silence.
We don’t need symbolism. We need spine. We don’t need panels. We need policy. And we don’t need more excuses from Black faces in high places who are too scared to say the one truth that matters:
We are owed. And we intend to collect.
